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Regime Change in Sri Lanka

The defeat of Mahinda Rajapaksa at the Sri Lankan Presidential elections on January 8 is hailed internationally as a victory for the rule of law, democracy, freedom of expression and good governance. The Rajapkasa government (2005-2015) defeated the terrorist LTTE in 2009 ending the longest running conflict in Asia. It also contributed to substantial economic growth turning Sri Lanka into a middle-income country in a region with the greatest concentration of poor. Despite these political and economic achievements, Rajapaksa narrowly lost the elections due to charges of corruption and authoritarianism of his government.

Rajapaksa was defeated by Maithripala Sirisena, the so-called ‘Common Candidate’ of a new political alliance which claimed that the extent of corruption in the last few years of the Rajapaksa government was “unprecedented and unheard of before” in Sri Lanka. The current government, however, is not entirely a new regime; only Rajapaksa and his core circle were replaced. Sirisena, like a number of others in his administration served as senior Ministers of the Rajapaksa administration until the election campaign. As such, they too bear responsibility for alleged excesses of the Rajapaksa regime.

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මර ගැටුමකින් කොටි පරදා දිනා ගත් සාම්පූර් යහපාලනයෙන් නොමිලේම කොටින්ට…!

එය ඉකුත් යුද සමය විය. එල්ටීටීඊ ත්‍රස්‌තවාදයට එරෙහි නැගෙනහිරින් ආරම්භ වූ සටන ඒ වන විට පැවතියේ දිනෙන් දින ඉතා දරුණු තත්ත්වයට පත් වෙමිනි. මේ අතරේ මේ බිම යක්‍ෂයාගෙන් මුදා ගත් අපේ රණවිරුවෝ හරියටම පසුගිය 2006 වසරේ අගොස්‌තු මස 28 වැනිදා අලුයම 4.00 පසුවී මිනිත්තු කිහිපයක්‌ ගෙවී යමින් තිබියදී සතුරාට එරෙහි තවත් එක්‌ සුවිශේෂී මෙහෙයුමක්‌ ආරම්භ කරනු ලැබූහ.

ත්‍රිකුණාමලය මුතූර්, කට්‌ටපරිච්චාන් සීමාව එකී මෙහෙයුමේ ආරම්භක ස්‌ථානය විය . ඒ වන විට එල්ටීටීඊ ත්‍රස්‌තවාදීන්ගේ ත්‍රිකුණාමලය සන්නද්ධ හා දේශපාලන මූලස්‌ථානය වශයෙන් පැවති සාම්පූර් කොටි කඳවුරට පහරදීම එකී මෙහෙයුමේදී රණවිරුවන්ගේ ඉලක්‌කය වී තිබිණ.

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13A After 19A & Wigneswaran Vs. Wickremesinghe

What is the future of the 13th amendment if the 19th amendment is passed into law?

The 13th amendment was possible only because of the executive presidency. The system of provincial councils which was mooted by the Donoughmore Commission was never implemented under the Westminster model.

Every time anything came even close, it was rolled back or shut down. That was because of the ethnic outbidding which the first-past the post electoral system and the Westminster model were prone to in a society with the cultural configuration and ethno religious dynamics that we had.

It took the stable overarching framework of the Presidential system to make it sufficiently safe to experiment with an intermediate tier of devolved power and large units.

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Let’s dissect the ‘Mahinda-Resurgence’

It’s an inauspicious number.  That’s ‘13’.  The Maithripala-Ranil Regime (or Ranil-Maithripala Regime if you will) is in its 13th week.  It’s the worst so far for Prime Minister Ranil Wickremesinghe and the United National Party (UNP).  

First, a proposal for obtaining 400 billion rupees through Treasury Bills was defeated in Parliament. According to some constitutional experts the defeat of this kind of ordinance amounts to a no-confidence motion.  Tradition, thankfully for Ranil and the UNP, is (conveniently) not the strongest suit of our Parliamentarians.  Fortunately too, the Sri Lanka Freedom Party (SLFP), headless (in Parliament), is so confused that it doesn’t know if it is in the Government or the Opposition.  It was left for Dinesh Gunawardena to make the point. Tellingly, the SLFP, the party with the numbers in Parliament, didn’t pick it up.  The ‘loss’ however will not go unnoticed.